Bristol and Liverpool: the Demise and Rise of Rival Ports in the Eighteenth Century Slave Trade.

Bristol and Liverpool: The demise and rise of rival ports in the eighteenth century slave trade. In the early eighteenth century, Bristol’s dominant position as a slave trading port remained virtually unchallenged. Yet, by the end of the century, Liverpool firmly established its status as Britain’s leading slave trading port, surpassing Bristol completely. Despite some similarities between the rival ports, a number of factors, decisions and circumstances serve to explain Liverpool’s magnificent rise and Bristol’s consequent demise. The ports differing geographical locations, markets, trade goods, vessels, voyages and war impacts all played a role in Liverpool’s subversion of Bristol. The decision-making and business capabilities of the merchants also proved influential in the developments of the ports. This essay argues that most importantly, the Bristolian merchants’ poor economic and market decisions, compared with the exceptional business acumen of Liverpudlian merchants, sealed the fate of both ports. Bristol’s geographical location and new parliamentary legislation acted favourably to propel the town into the slave trade. The location of the River Severn and Bristol Channel encouraged early involvement in trade over the waterways, stimulating the development of the port city. Contributions to Atlantic trade also initiated Bristol’s role in the sugar trade, following the capture of Jamaica in 1655. [1] However, increased competition in the trade of sugar thrust Bristol merchants into the trade of slaves. An Act passed in 1698 further encouraged Bristol’s participation in slave trading, stating that any subject of Great Britain could trade to any part of Africa â€Å"between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good Hope†, successfully ending the London Company’s monopoly. 2] Bristol’s geography served to hinder the port’s trading ability, mainly due to difficulties in navigating the meandering River Avon, its wide tidal range, and industrial waste in the river. Geographical location and legislation also contributed to Liverpool’s commencement in the slave trade. Located on the coast in northwest England, Liverpool benefited from close proximity to many industrial and textile producing centres such as Manchester, Birmingham and Sheffield. A network of rivers, including the River Mersey, made the port easily accessible to the many incoming and outgoing vessels. 3] The Isle of Man provided a useful off shore base, allowing for trade with Ireland and entry into the contraband trade with Spain. The Grenville Treaty of 1747 soon ended this arrangement, forcing Liverpudlian merchants to consider new options for trade. Utilizing the knowledge and wealth gained from contraband trade, the merchants developed vessels and goods specially suited to the African market, putting them towards gaining entrance to the slave trade. [4] Small vessels and on board slave revolts lessened the slave carrying capacity and efficiency of Bristol merchants ships. The smaller size of Bristol vessels perhaps resulted from the winding nature of the River Avon, with navigation difficult for larger ships. The period 1727 to 1769 provides an example of seventy Bristol vessels, one at fifty tons, thirteen at fifty-one to seventy-one tons, and thirty-eight at seventy-six to one hundred tons. [5] Even before Liverpool’s rise, London outshone Bristol in tonnage, 5,925 tons to 4,250 tons at a value of 137,000 to 98,820 pounds Stirling. [6] The origins of slaves purchased by Bristolians, coupled with lengthy on shore waiting times for slave deliveries, both reduced carrying capacity and efficiency of vessels. A concentration of suicide prone Ibo slaves and rebellious Ibibio slaves caused many problems. Consequently, merchants received instruction to shackle and bolt slaves from the popular Bight of Biafra region, to reduce the loss of slaves on board vessels. [7] Liverpool merchants similarly witnessed slave revolts, but they experienced superior carrying capacity and efficiency of vessels. Liverpool specialised in manufacturing fast slaving vessels in the docks of the River Mersey. [8] Liverpool’s carrying capacity far exceeded that of Bristol, as demonstrated in the 1100 ton Kent of 1773, the largest ship built in Northern England. 9] Such large ships and the capacity of five slaves per two tons, allowed for maximum vessel efficiency, and in 1753, 101 Liverpool vessels managed to carry over 30,000 slaves to the Americas. Poor vessel conditions for slaves resulted from maximising carrying capacities, and up to a third of slaves died. [10] One renowned incident on board the Zong di splays how captains attempted to avoid the loss of slaves: Captain Collingwood threw 132 sickly slaves overboard in order to claim insurance, rather than risk not selling them in the Americas. 11] Unbearable conditions on board also resulted in increased mutinies between 1751 and 1775, which Mannix and Cowley attribute to ruthless Liverpudlians’ efforts to save money by reducing the size of crews on vessels. [12] Slaving voyages and their destinations impacted greatly on Bristol’s attempts to gain prominence in the slave trade. Bristol’s shorter voyage time gave merchants a distinct advantage over London, and until the 1730s most Bristol voyages travelled to the Bight of Biafra where they encountered little competition. 13] Most Bristol voyages targeted Old Calabar, which oversupplied male slaves, leading to many trading failures. Merchants such as James Rogers only managed a delivery rate of seventy-three per cent from this region. [14] Bristol destination choi ces remained conservative, including Angola and the Gold Coast, despite increasing competition there from Liverpool. [15] The rise of Liverpool caused a vast reduction in voyages made by Bristolians. Jamaican voyages fell from sixty-nine to twenty-five per cent from 1728 to 1730. [16] As a result, the period of 1786 to 1807 produced only 240 voyages, compared with 2,473 from Liverpool. 17] Voyages direct to Jamaica became a common trend by 1750, with 104 trips taking place between 1749 and 1755, compared with seventy-four voyages following various triangle trade patterns. [18] Liverpool merchants achieved more numerous and varied voyages and destinations compared with Bristol. Liverpool’s first slave trade voyage departed in 1708, which is a much later entry than Bristol. Despite Bristol’s early advantage and established market destinations, Liverpool succeeded in creating new slaving destinations in areas such as Sierra Leone, Cameroon and Gabon. 19] In contrast with Bristol’s prioritisation of the region, only one voyage took place to Old Calabar in 1793 out of forty-seven voyages, instead thirty-six sailed to Angola where slaves were much more desirable. [20] In 1771 alone, 105 vessels travelled to Africa, obtaining 28,200 slaves. [21] In Jamaica, Liverpool trade comprised seventy-four per cent of delivered slaves and seventy-two per cent of visiting vessels. Liverpool’s dominant presence at Atlantic slave trade destinations displays the port’s numerous options, and their lack of presence at the unpopular sites displays their competent business choices. The choice of trade goods further influenced Bristol’s success as a slave trading port. James Rogers' voyages, perhaps not entirely typical of Bristol trading, provided African merchants with East Indian and English textiles, bar iron, gunpowder, beads, hardware and liquor. [22] Other Bristol merchants traded with refined sugar, haberdashery, window glass, bottled beer, wrought iron, woollens, copper and brass, in return for slaves. Wales generally provided the tin and iron for Bristol’s supplies. 23] Once in Africa, in addition to slaves, Bristol merchants requested items such as wax, ivory and redwood, either for sale in the Americas or back in Bristol. [24] Interestingly, Bristolians sent little linen to the African coast in comparison with other slave trading ports. [25] Linen stood as a leading commodity in Liverpool’s choice of trading goods, giving the port a considerable advantage over Bristol. Linen formed ninety-one per cent of all British exports to No rth America and West Africa, which Liverpool benefited from due to its easy acquisition of Lancashire cottons and Manchester textiles. 26] Manchester’s provision of checks and silk handkerchiefs contributed to the expulsion of Bristol’s German, French and Scottish textiles from the market. [27] In addition to linen, Liverpool traded copper and brass from Staffordshire, salt from Cheshire, and firearms from Birmingham. Liverpool also re-exported a number of goods from East India, such as Chintz, glass beads, cotton and calicoes. [28] The careful assortment of trade goods meant numerous colonies demanded trade with Liverpool. A number of international conflicts severely hindered Bristol’s progress in the slave trade. Throughout the eighteenth century conflicts existed with France, Spain and America. Bristol’s location in relation to the Bristol Channel meant a great number of vessels were lost to french privateers. [29] Consequently, Bristol successfully turned to privateering during the Spanish Succession from 1702 to 1713. The capture of over seventeen of its vessels by the Spaniards deepened Bristol’s involvement in privateering further during the Seven Years War (1756 to 1763). Trade with the West Indies suffered in consequence, due to the heavy amount of investment in privateers. 30] The American War of Independence and subsequent loss of American colonies hampered the triangular trade, which Bristolians heavily relied on. Shipping from the United States dropped from approximately 21,202 tons in 1773-7 to 12,326 in 1778-80. [31] Bristol’s slave trade experienced war in an entirely negative way during this period. On the other hand, Liverpool made substantial gains from G reat Britain’s involvement in international conflicts. Williamson, an observer of the War of the Austrian Succession 1739 to 1748, stated that: â€Å"trade flourished and spread her golden wings so extensively that if they had ossessed it seven years longer, it would have enlarged the size and riches of the town to a prodigious degree†[32] Involvement in conflicts meant that the dockyards on the River Mersey fitted out many ships in order to fill the void left by Bristol’s departure from trade. Slave trading voyages increased considerably during the wars, and vessels successfully avoided meeting French privateers due to Liverpool’s advantageous geographical location. War also enabled Liverpool merchants to take advantage of price differentials between England and the colonies. Profits inevitably resulted, which contrasts starkly with Bristol’s experience of the wars. [33] Vast potential existed for profit in the slave trade, yet when factoring in costs, Bristol struggled to reap the benefits of the system. Loss of slaves in the middle passage presented one expense, as Captain Black’s letter to James Rogers depicted. His voyage lost thirteen female slaves, fifty-six males and sixteen sailors. [34] Bristol merchants also paid generous wages, commissions and financial incentives to captains and slave sellers in order to ensure a loyal partnership. 35] When Robert Thiennison’s brother, a cook on Rogers’ Pearle, died, he requested wages of 55 shillings for a month’s work, revealing the high wages paid by Bristolians. High duties also frustrated Bristol merchants, especially those on tobacco, which is something they specialised in. [36] David Richardson offers an estimated return of 7. 8 to 19. 8 per cent on Bristol voyages, ho wever Rogers’ voyages barely managed three per cent profit, and the highest estimate still comes in lower than the profits made by Liverpudlians. 37] Liverpudlian merchants made significantly higher profits in the slave trade, primarily due to cunning commercial decisions. Manipulated stock records enabled merchants to avoid paying duties on up to twenty per cent of the tobacco shipped into the port. [38] Proposed estimates suggest that 100-ton ships returned profits of 750 pounds Stirling based on five Negroes per two tons. [39] The Liverpool vessel Lively produced a 300 per cent profit in 1737, but most voyages secured around ten per cent profit, which barely proved sufficient considering the risks involved in slaving. 40] One particular Liverpool voyage achieved a profit of 8000 pounds Stirling (before deductions for victuals and trade goods), with costs approximately comprising duties of 134 pounds, Doctor wages of thirteen pounds, Captain salary of 4 pounds per 104 made on total returns, and commission costs of 454 pounds Stirling. [41] Liverpudlians clearly possessed a unique capability to make large profits, despite mounting costs. The merchant oligarchy of Bristol overlooked crucial investments in port facilities in favour of spending profits on luxurious lifestyles, proving detrimental to their trade accomplishments. Instead, investments centred around the urban â€Å"renaissance† taking place in the city, rather than focusing on shifting towards industrialisation[42]. Prioritising Caribbean ventures over local industrial schemes demonstrates a further hindrance to the development of Bristol. [43] It appears that Bristolians’ preferences centred on funding a lifestyle founded on wealth and consumption, reflected in the growing local demand for sugar and tobacco. Furthermore, Bristol did not invest in the port until the nineteenth century, when developments included a floating harbour, which proved highly inefficient also. 44] Comparatively, the port of Liverpool received extensive urban development as a result of profits made in the slave trade. The city underwent considerable expansion and urban growth, facilitating merchants’ ability to exploit the Atlantic trade system and various markets. The city’s wealth stemmed from the merchants, hence their control over city d evelopments. Subsequently, profits funded financial structures and transport networks including canals, enabling Liverpool to maintain control over sources of goods such as the salt of Cheshire. 45] Investment in the docklands proved most influential, earning Liverpool the title of largest ship construction site in England, with sixty-one of the 161 English-built slave vessels manufactured in Liverpool. [46] The swift response to mercantile needs and construction of the Midlands canal network resulted in the shipment of valuable, high demand trade goods to Liverpool, not Bristol. A notable shift in Bristol’s priorities may account for Liverpool’s eclipse of Bristol as the leading slave trading port in England. The transition to specialisation in the sugar trade proves the most convincing causal factor in the reduced role in slave trading. The Bristolian pleasures derived from sugar, tobacco and snuff consumption drove merchants to focus on supplying the domestic market with what locals demanded. [47] The sugar industry thrived in Bristol, which is reinforced by the sustained existence of twenty sugarhouses between 1720 and 1775. [48] Tobacco and sugar faced restrictions regarding direct trade to foreign countries, perhaps further encouraging Bristolians to cater to local markets. 49] One argument proposes that Bristol became more conservative, simply preferring safer, more profitable trade options as they arose. A Jamaican agent noted that â€Å"Bristol†¦is rich enough, but don’t care to launch out much†. John Wesley, an abolitionist, also observed Bristol’s â€Å"love of money and ease†. [50] The increasing abolitionist environment and comparative ease of the sugar trade perhaps rendered the Bristolians content with exiting the slave trade. The lack of familial slaving dynasties and a reluctance to engage in mercantile competition with close ties offer two further justifications for Bristol’s demise in the slave trade. Bristol failed to secure dynasties through which to pass commercial knowledge and wealth to, mainly because eighteen of the leading twenty-five Bristol merchants died as bachelors. Encouraging others to continue the slave trade proved particularly difficult. The problems faced in re-exporting tobacco presented one deterrent, and the inevitable encounters with disease on the African coast and challenges in securing return goods also discouraged new entrants to the trade. [51] Bristol merchants tended to form strong, friendly connections with fellow traders, making ruthless competition difficult. To â€Å"wage war† against familial, banking or residential associates would destroy useful connections and jeopardise one’s reputation. [52] Liverpool merchants, on the other hand, formed strong bonds and maintained family dynasties, but did not refrain from competition, further enhancing their prominence. [53] The Bristol merchants experienced limitations in available market options, which presented a sizeable obstacle to success in the slave trade. Bristol traders lacked the vital trade goods necessary for securing demand from markets that would stock vessels with healthy slaves from desirable locations. Merchants such as Rogers tended to focus on Jamaica and Grenada to sell their slaves, places whose markets displayed an aversion to slaves from Old Calabar due to their poor health and high mortality. [54] These detrimental oversights in buying unsuitable slave cargoes and being unaware of the slave preferences at plantations provided great motivation to move away from trading in slaves. Bristol persisted in trading commodities with Jamaica, South Carolina and Charlestown, however they gained no advantage over Liverpool or even London. 55] Furthermore, Bristol failed to respond to new markets such as the Ceded Islands including Dominica and St Vincent, leaving the opportunity wide open for Liverpool. Liverpool slave traders successfully seized every new market opportunity that arose, providing numerous market options for the diverse trade goods they supplied. After trade opened up in 1750, Liverpool launched into trade with Upper Guinea and other markets in America, where they made g ains over Bristol. 56] Liverpool also possessed advantageous contacts throughout the West African coast, especially Sierra Leone. [57] In contrast to Bristol, Liverpool concentrated on lesser markets such as Barbados and the Leeward Islands. Barbados supplied over fifty per cent of Liverpool’s imports after 1735, closely followed by Chesapeake, the Leeward Islands and Jamaica. The range of trade goods supplied, and entrance into the trade at a time of colonial economy deceleration also enabled Liverpool merchants to almost monopolise the Anglo-American commercial market. 58] Liverpool merchants conducted business on the coast of Africa from the Senegal River to Ambriz[59], where healthy slave populations attribute to the demand for Liverpool commerce in a vast number of West Indian locations. With so many options for destinations to conduct trade with slaves, it is unsurprising that Liverpool ousted the port of Bristol from its dominant position. Despite the numerous causes a ttributed to the demise of Bristol, the inability of merchants to make economical, competent business decisions ultimately present the most significant explanations. Bristolians paid munificent salaries to captains and crew, as well as allowing privileges, daily charges and commission payments. Captains ate and drank excessively on shore, eroding profits considerably. Less profit also resulted from fully manning vessels, with the knock on effect of needing to charge more for slaves. [60] Bristol merchants found themselves outbid for slaves in Old Calabar, driving them to purchase unhealthy slaves. Their condition worsened further due to cheap provisions on board. [61] Consequently, prices achieved in the Americas for slaves were lower. The Bristol merchants justifiably earned a reputation as extravagant and unbusinesslike squanderers, who treated their Captains like â€Å"young gentlemen on the Grand Tour†. [62] A credit crisis in 1793 caused many merchants to go bankrupt, putting an end to the slave trade for the majority of Bristolians. [63] The lack of business acumen amongst Bristol merchants proved detrimental to their success. Conversely, the business expertise and economical ability of Liverpudlian merchants secured the city’s title of the most successful slave trading port in Europe. Liverpool merchants trained their crew better, paid lower wages, and minimized outfitting costs. Additionally, merchants were economical by paying wages annually not monthly, and refusing cabin privileges, primages and port allowances. For example, crew ate salt beef and drank rum punch on board their vessel, compared with Bristol crewmembers’ excessive drinking of Madeira on shore. [64] Low expenditure enabled Liverpudlians to sell slaves for four to five pounds Stirling less than other traders, underselling Bristolians considerably. 65] Accepting Bills of Exchange avoided reliance on return goods for payment, giving flexibility to merchants, which allowed them to return direct to Africa to embark more slaves. Liverpool merchants skilfully evaded customs administrators by importing â€Å"damaged† and therefore duty free goods, and disembarking â€Å"underweight† hogsheads, only to re-export them at heavier weights. [66] These tricks meant payment of less duty ta x, maximising profits. Resourceful and imaginative actions and decisions thrust Liverpool to record heights never reached by Bristol in the slave trade. Liverpool’s skilful rise to prominence in the slave trade undoubtedly provides explanation for Bristol’s demise from a once eminent slave trading port. Geographical location, vessel size, voyages, trade goods, international conflicts, market destinations, and urban development all provide convincing explanations of Bristol’s fall from the position of leading British port. However, problems could easily have been overcome or averted had the Bristol merchants possessed strong business capability, judgement skills and knowledge. Perhaps Bristol’s priorities did shift toward catering for the domestic market. Nevertheless, the Bristolians’ lack of skills and knowledge, so clearly possessed by Liverpool merchants, sealed Bristol’s demise from a once world-leading slaving port to an average sugar-importing town. Liverpool on the other hand, traded slaves on such a grand scale that it secured its position amongst Europe’s leading port towns far beyond the abolition of the slave trade. Word Count: 3,258 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources An account of the ships employed in the African trade, from the ports of London and Bristol, belonging to the separate traders to Africa; with the value of the said ships and cargoes, and the number of Negroes usually carried by the said ships, London, 1713, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Captain W. Black of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, owner of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, Public Record Office, C/107/12, http://www. englandpast. net/education/. Great Britain, Parliament, An act for the better improvement of the trade to Africa, by establishing a regulated company, London, 1708, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Letter To Captain Richard Prankard commander of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13, http://www. englandpast. net/education/. Letter from Robert Thiennison (? ) to James Rogers, slave ship owner concerning his brother who was a ship’s cook on the Pearl, Mr. Rogers London 15 August, 1786, Public Record Office, C107/8, http://www. englandpast. et/education/. Secondary Sources Behrendt, Stephen D. , â€Å"Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Merchant Decision Making in the British Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, pp. 171-204. Behrendt, Stephen D. , â€Å"The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British slave trade, 1780-1807†, Journal of African Hi story, Vol. 38, 1997, pp. 187-211. Benezet, Anthony, Some historical account of Guinea, its situation, produce, and the general disposition of its inhabitants. With an inquiry into the rise and progress of the slave trade, its nature, and lamentable effects. Also a republication of the sentiments of several authors of note on this interesting subject: particularly an extract of a treatise written by Granville Sharpe, Philadelphia, 1771, http://www. gutenberg. org/files/11489/11489-h/11489-h. htm. Clarkson, Thomas, The history of the rise, progress, and accomplishment of the abolition of the African slave-trade by the British parliament, Vol. 1, London, 1808, http://www. gutenberg. org/files/12428/12428-8. txt. Clemens, Paul G. E. , â€Å"The Rise of Liverpool, 1665-1750†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 9, No. 2, 1976, pp. 211-225. Enfield, William. An essay towards the history of Leverpool, drawn up from papers left by the late Mr. George Perry, and from other materials since collected, by William Enfield. With views of the principal public structures, a chart of the harbour, and a map of the environ, 2nd Ed. , 1774. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. Hyde, F. , Parkinson, B. , & Marriner, S. , â€Å"The Nature and Profitability of the Liverpool Slave Trade†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, pp. 368-377. Jones, S. J. â€Å"The Growth of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development†, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 57-83. Klein, Herbert S. , â€Å"The English Slave Trade to Jamaica, 1782-1808†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, pp. 25-45. MacInnes, C. M. , â€Å"Bristol and the slave trade†, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972. Mackenzie-Grive, Averil, The Last Years of the English Slave Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, The English Historical Review, Vol. 07, No. 424, 1992, pp. 626-650. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century†, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 3, 1993, pp. 185- 208. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, Historical Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 189-216. Morgan, Kenneth, â€Å"Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749-1770†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 506-538. Richardson, David, â€Å"Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2001, pp. 69-92. Richardson, David, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, pp. 35-54. Williams, Gomer, History of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: With an account of the Liverpool slave trade, London, 1897. Williams, Eric, â€Å"The Golden Age of the Slave System in Britain†, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, pp. 60-106. Websites Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/Slavery_in_Liverpool. htm —à ¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€œ [1] S. J. Jones, â€Å"The Growth of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development†, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 64; 71. [2] Great Britain, Parliament, An act for the better improvement of the trade to Africa, by establishing a regulated company, London, 1708, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. [3] Eric Williams, â€Å"The Golden Age of the Slave System in Britain†, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, p. 67. [4] Gomer Williams, History of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: With an account of the Liverpool slave trade, London, 1897, pp. 67-468. [5] C. M. MacInnes, â€Å"Bristol and the slave trade†, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972, p. 173. [6] An account of the ships employed in the African trade, London, 1713, Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale Group. [7] David Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Gold en Age’†, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, p. 44; David Richardson, â€Å"Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, pp. 74, 80. 8] Eric Williams, p. 69. [9] Averil Mackenzie-Grive, The Last Years of the English Slave Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941, p. 16. [10] F. Hyde, B. Parkinson, & S. Marriner, â€Å"The Nature and Profitability of the Liverpool Slave Trade†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, p372; Anthony Benezet, Some historical account of Guinea, Philadelphia, 1771. [11] Thomas Clarkson, The history of the rise, progress, and accomplishment of the abolition of the African slave-trade by the British parliament, Vol. 1, London, 1808. 12] David Richardson, â€Å"Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade†, p. 77. [13] David Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, pp. 42-3. [14] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, Historical Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 195, 200. [15] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, The English Historical Review, Vol. 107, No. 424, 1992, p. 641. [16] Similarly, South Carolinian voyages also fell by twenty-fiver per cent. Ibid. , p. 640. [17] Stephen D. Behrendt, â€Å"The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British slave trade, 1780-1807†, Journal of African History, Vol. 38, 1997, p. 189. [18] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749-1770†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 515, 532. [19] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 641. [20] Stephen D. Behrendt, â€Å"Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Merchant Decision Making in the British Slave Trade†, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, p. 88. [21] William Enfield, An essay towards the history of Leverpool, 2nd Ed. , 1774. [22] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, p. 197. [23] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 635. [24] Letter To Captain Richard Prankard commander of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13. [25] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 635. [26] Ibid. ; Eric Williams, p. 67. [27] Gomer Williams, p. 467. 28] Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/; Enfield, p. 85. [29] MacInnes, p. 175. [30] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, pp. 630-2. [31] Jones, p. 76; Ibid. [32] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [33] Paul G. E. Clemens, â€Å"The Rise of Liverpool, 1665-1750†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 29, No. 2, 1976, p. 210. [34] Captain W. Black of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, owner of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, Public Record Office, C/107/12 [35] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 40. 36] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 645. [37] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, p. 215. [38] Clemens, p. 215. [39] However, restrictions of two Negroes per ton reduced potential profits to 200 pounds Stirling per voyage. Hyde et al. , p. 372. [40] Liverpool & The Slave Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com. [41] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [42] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 46-7. [43] Kenneth Morgan, â€Å"Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century†, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. , 1993, p. 205. [44] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 628. [45] Clemens, p. 212-7. [46] Herbert S. Klein, â€Å"The English Slave Trade to Jamaica, 1782-1808†, The Economic History Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, p. 42. [47] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 47. [48] Jones, p. 71. [49] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 646. [50] Morga n, â€Å"Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 204. [51] Ibid. , p. 203. [52] Ibid. , p. 205. [53] Clemens, p. 217. 54] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, pp. 205, 209, 215. [55] Clemens, p. 219. [56] Richardson, â€Å"Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’†, p. 46. [57] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, p. 199. [58] Clemens, pp. 213-8. [59] Behrendt, â€Å"Markets, Transaction Cycles†, p. 172. [60] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [61] Morgan, â€Å"James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade†, pp. 196, 203. [62] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [63] Morgan, â€Å"Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century†, p. 633. [64] Gomer Williams, p. 471; MacInnes, p. 170. [65] Ibid. , p. 470. [66] Clemens, pp. 215, 221.

How Do People and Themes, Change Throughout the Course of the Story

‘The Darkness Out There’ by Penelope Lively Jordan Roberts How do people and themes, change throughout the course of the story? ‘The Darkness Out There’ combines the author’s narration with the thoughts and feelings of Sandra, a girl belonging to the ‘Good Neighbours Club’. She goes to help out an old lady, Mrs. Rutter, with the help of a boy called Kerry. Mrs. Rutter lives in the countryside; next to a wood called Packers End, feared by Sandra because of its supposed supernatural qualities. Mrs. Rutter has a secret, that when told, horrifies the children.This sub story is of the German she found and left to die back when she was a girl in the war. Penelope Lively develops Mrs. Rutters character in many ways, with clues early on to her true self. Sandra’s views on the characters change by the end, as well as her whole out look of life as a result. There are several themes within this short story this paragraph, deals firstly with t he theme of darkness, and light it covers the darkness around us In Packer's End â€Å"It was a rank place, all whippy saplings and brambles and a gully with a dumped mattress and a bedstead and an old fridge.And, somewhere, presumably, the crumbling rusty scraps of metal and cloth and †¦. bones? † This evokes a sense of desolation a hostile haunted kind of place, somewhere you don't really want to be, nasty things could happen, this sets the mood of the woods also this was set in the past and the present, at one point the writer graphically describes the trees when the German plane went down, â€Å"The branch shapes to look like faces and clawed hands† and â€Å"You couldn't quite see into, the clotted shifting depths of the place. This makes you kind of hold your breath in anticipation wondering what will happen there, you know it is horrible from the descriptive words used. It also tells you of the girl that was possibly sexually assaulted by a knife wielding men so you know now it is definitely are not the place for a young girl to be. The other aspect of Darkness covered in this story is the darkness of badness, evil, human wickedness, vengeance which is never a pretty thing.The dark blot on Mrs Rutter's soul for leaving that poor man to die, obviously drawn out over several days so no doubt a painful, lonely death and he was a mere boy really barely reaching manhood about 20 yrs. old, but she saw it as ok, she â€Å"Licked her lips† she enjoyed the redemption as she signified these injured German pilots as those who in fact killed her own husband.Another key theme is the supernatural, and the mysterious ‘Packers End’ which is often conveyed as the so called ‘Darkness out there’ as her fears change throughout the story. She fears â€Å"German Ghosts† who are said to in fact haunt ‘Packers End’. But lively changes Sandra’s fears almost in correlation as We, the reader see her g row up. As the story starts she fears ‘German Ghosts’ but as the story develops she then fears a ‘knife wielding rapist’ and this shows the fears of a girl and the fears of then the fears of a woman.Furthermore, a key theme throughout the story is growing up as we see Sandra and Kerry realising the changes there body is going through as Sandra â€Å"her breast popping out her shirt† shows the stages of puberty her body is going through as her character becomes more developed mentally so does she physically as she begins to notice the changes happening with her body. Kerry is the same describing his chin â€Å"covered in acne† Her opinion of Kerry changes as lively further develops his character as Sandra does not really know Kerry, but she shares her friends' opinion of him, â€Å"Kerry Stevens that none of her lot reckoned much on†.But at the end of the story she changes her mind. Kerry seems a bit of a stereotype because he works part -time in a garage, and will have a full-time job there when he leaves school. He identifies Sandra's dad by the make and colour of his car. But however lively suggests clues that suggest Kerry is not as Sandra sees him, for example, he is ready to spend his free time helping old people, and he asks Mrs. Rutter what she wants them to do, then gets on with it steadily. At the end of the story however it is Kerry who takes the initiative, and passes judgement on Mrs. Rutter. In Sandra's eyes he had grown; he had got older and larger†¦ † Which furthers the point that Sandra had in fact misjudged, Kerry but this furthermore foreshadows him growing up through the course of the story. Another key point of the story is when he offers her a piece of the Aero bar before he has some himself a subtle message, of which foreshadows the end of the story showing his unselfish nature. One of the ways Mrs. Rutter’s character is portrayed by Penelope Lively is through her environment , both historically and geographically. The house is introduced sending out two different messages. One is that of a quaint homely place.This can be recognized through the descriptions of the china ornaments, â€Å"big-eyed flop-eared rabbits and beribboned kittens and flowery milkmaids and a pair of naked chubby children wearing daisy chains†. Firstly, this gives the impression of a cuddly ‘grandmother’ figure, but then the picture is broken with the mention of the â€Å"smell of cabbage†. This comment conflicts with the otherwise friendly scene to suggest something is not rite. The house reflects Mrs. Rutter’s character. An example of this is â€Å"her eyes investigated quick as mice†. Later, the house mirrors this comment by the author describing that it â€Å"smelt of damp and mouse†.Animals and flowers are frequently mentioned in the description of the ornaments and her love of plants, â€Å"You should see the wood in spring, wit h all the bluebells†. This constant reference to nature implies there is a link with Mrs. Rutter, for nature is changeable and not always as it seems. There is also evidence to suggest she is an old lady whose mind is still stuck in the past, such as her collection of â€Å"old calendars and pictures torn from magazines†. This could later explain why her memory of the German plane and dying soldier is still vivid as ever. The effect of what Mrs.Rutter says and does also reveals sides of her character. She welcomes Kerry and Sandra into her house. But rite at the beginning there is a contrast in description, â€Å"a creamy smiling pool of a face in which her eyes snapped and darted† sounds friendly and comforting but subliminally uneasy and then later sinister as her character becomes more developed. She’s a very judgmental woman. She sends the boy straight away outside to do the manual work and leaves Sandra the light chores indoors. She makes conversation with the girl, but not with Kerry, thinking he’ll have nothing interesting to say.This is because she doesn’t think much of his ambitions, smiling falsely while he tells her that he wants to work as a car mechanic. She insults him, â€Å"well, I expect that’s good steady money if you’d nothing special in mind. Sugar? † then moves on quickly to a gesture of hospitality, trying to conceal the jibe aimed at Kerry. This is also a key theme throughout the story the ideal of certain roles and pre-conceived stereotypes of what a man or woman should be, Mrs. Rutter upholds very traditional stereotypes. She’s patronizing too, with comments like â€Å"You’re a little dress maker, too,† and â€Å"Chocky? She asks Sandra to offer Kerry a chocolate too, but has already forgotten his name â€Å"Take them out and see if what’s-‘s-name would like one? † showing his insignificance in her mind. One reason why she does this may be because she has no children of her own, so she goes on stereotypical ideas. She also makes the reader feel uneasy, â€Å"Mind your pretty skirt, pull it up a bit, there’s only me to see if you’re showing a bit of bum. † This provokes the thought that she has a slightly warped mind. She starts to tell Sandra about her husband who was killed in the war. He died rite at the beginning, and she hasn’t formed any relationships since.This can make the reader feel a little bit sympathetic towards her. Penelope Lively lets us know what others think of Mrs. Rutter as Kerry builds a profile on her character when he talks with Sandra. He shows his dislike of the woman, â€Å"I don’t go much on her† and â€Å"I dunno. The way she talks and that. † Sandra encourages him to feel sorry for her by telling him of her tragedy, but he explains that â€Å"There’s lots of people done that† dismissing the excuse for her peculiar and dis turbing behavior by implying that she wasn’t the only one to loose somebody in the war.The way Mrs. Rutter always watches Sandra and â€Å"glinting from the cushions† gives an uneasy feel towards her. When Kerry returns inside Mrs. Rutter begins her anecdote. He asks if she saw the plane come down and she chuckles, seeming to delight in the idea. She explains how her and her sister went to investigate the scene and was only going to get help if it was an allied plane. This alarms Kerry. Her twisted side becomes more apparent when she says; â€Å"We cheered, I can tell you† as they realized it was German. Sandra is alarmed and quips how awful it was, but Mrs.Rutter, who disregards her discomfort, abruptly interrupts her she is so involved in telling the story. She tries to soften what she is saying by ‘sugaring the pill’, for example friendly additives such as â€Å"my duck† to unsettling sentences. She refers to the injured man in the broken plane as â€Å"that site†. She mentions nothing about the man himself but just remarks how â€Å"it wasn’t a pretty site†. She is unmoved when the German was crying â€Å"mutter, mutter†. This shows she is a cold, heartless woman. She recollects easily how she left the man in pain because it was raining.This shows she has no feeling of mutual human kindness and doesn’t feel obliged to help. Again, she is not bothered with the fact he is in his late teens. Which shows her becoming more and more distant from her ‘grandmother’ stereotype, showing how lively makes the reader question the fact that not all as it in fact seems. Mrs. Rutter is bitter and resentful because of the death of her husband. She delights in the German's death, â€Å"I thought, oh no, you had this coming to you, mate, there’s a war on. † She seems surprised when Kerry and Sandra suddenly get up to leave, disgusted with her tale.She has no remorse and doe sn’t realize there was anything wrong with what she did, her conscience still not activated all these years later. Rite from the beginning there had been implicit clues to her nasty inner character, not just from the story she told which revealed it explicitly towards the end. Penelope Lively through other means, like metaphors, reveals the character. Like her body, her personality is not clear-cut. The author suggests this when she explains â€Å"she seemed composed of circles†. Introduced as â€Å"a cottage loaf of a woman†, gives the misleading impression of a warm, traditional, safe, chunky, old woman.But following this is in fact another metaphor, â€Å"with a face below which chins collapsed one into another,† implicitly meaning she had different guises, was false and two- faced. Someone not to be trusted. On balance, it seems that Mrs. Rutter was a twisted old lady, unable to let go of the bitterness she acquired from her husband’s killing a nd sick because of the fact she relished in the idea of the young German soldier left to die. Her historical background, the fact she lived through the horrors of war is no excuse.She believes herself to be an innocent old lady; blind to her own faults and separated from the outside world. Penelope Lively used various characterization techniques to skilfully convey the character of Mrs. Rutter well. Also by the end of the novel, Mrs. Rutter’s character development changes almost full circle as she is converted from an â€Å"old popper† to what Kerry calls her â€Å"a bitch†. This is used by lively to convey the ideal that not all things are as they seem. And it is not in fact ‘the darkness out there’ but in fact the darkness within people, and as we reveal more and more of Mrs.Rutter’s character we can clearly see a warped women, who left someone to die, with no element of remorse what so ever. In conclusion, a reason why the original thought s of Mrs. Rutter were so misleading was because Sandra didn’t realize her disguise. ‘The Darkness Out There’ was a collaboration of 1st and 3rd person text. Unless the audience was very analytical and close readers, they would generally go along with what Sandra was thinking, they wouldn’t know any better. When Mrs. Rutter is exposed by her evil characteristics the audience learns and was guilty with Sandra.They make the same mistakes of stereotyping as her. As a result, they are more emotionally involved and affected by the moral ending message. The themes and people almost change completely as the fears of Sandra develop from ‘ghosts’ to in fact the darkest part of people’s souls. Sandra becomes forced to question everything she believes in like Kerry a pre-conceived nobody in her eyes but is in fact a good person who offers her chocolate before in fact himself showing an unselfish nature. The title is of course used to question are i nnermost fears the darkness is in fact closer than it may seem.

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Russian Economy in the Late 1990s Essay The process of economic transformation in Russia has been marked by a prolonged transitional depression and macroeconomic instability: seven years of continuing decline resulted in a cumulative drop of GDP by more than 40% between 1989 and 1996; in that period there were also several outbursts of near- hyperinflation. The first radical effort to tackle inflation was the IMF-supported stabilization program of 1995. It focused on tight monetary control and nominal exchange rate targets; subsequently, direct central bank financing of the budget was discontinued and the exchange rate was placed under control. In the years that followed, Russia made marked progress towards price and exchange rate stability and this prompted positive expectations in the West and a widespread perception that the country was pursuing the right course of reforms. 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Very little was done to reform the functioning of Russian public administration whose lack of transparency is well known. It gave birth to widespread rent seeking which resulted in the de facto concentration of wealth in a relatively small group of oligarchs. This distorted socio-political environment, and the presence of a mistakes in public administration has created a vicious circle which is a major obstacle to reforms and to social justice. One frequent characteristic of the Russian nouveaux-riches is that the wealth of numerous members of the new class was not acquired as a result of entrepreneurial success; it was simply easy money, obtained in some cases from illegal or semi-legal activity. Huge amounts of capital left Russia and were spent on luxury goods or just placed in safe havens instead of being put to productive use within the country. The unprecedentedly rapid stratification of society and the lack of social justice eroded initial public support for the reforms and strengthened the opposition to the reform process. It was in this economic and institutional environment that the Russian government launched the 1995 stabilization program. The climate for productive investment in Russia remained hostile, mostly due to the negative impact of this environment. The persistent lack of investor confidence leaded to further decapitalization of the economy. In real terms, gross fixed investment in 1997 was a quarter of its 1991 level. The prolonged financial pressure on manufactories provoked a credit crunch and the emergence of various monetary surrogates (acting as an alternative to money) and widespread barter (closely related to the diffusion of loss-making activity) which eroded further the tax base. 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But the situation remained dangerous: of the government deficit as much as 50% was due to interest payments. As Russias current account deteriorated from a position of surplus in 1997 to a deficit forecast at 1. 5-2% of GDP for 1998 as a whole, the rouble came under pressure and monetary policy was tightened with the result that the interest rates on GKOs reached levels of more than 100%. The consequent decline in the value of government securities led to calls by the foreign creditors of Russian banks for addition a repo loans. Thus, russian banks came under pressure to raise additional funds at just the time when the central bank was draining liquidity from the market as part of its attempt to defend the exchange rate. Due to the falls in the value of government securities, banks efforts to borrow were transferred to the interbank market that eventually couldnt function. These difficulties signaled the liquidity squeeze on Russian banks to international lenders, and increased their fears of becoming a bankrupt. At the same time the government faced increasing difficulties over borrowing to meet the interest obligations on its debt. The package of international loans from the IMF, the World Bank and Japan arranged in July was to provide Russia with funding of $17 billion during the 1998 and 1999. However, the attempt to defend the exchange rate which followed, was eventually abandoned, and a wider band for the rouble/dollar exchange rate was introduced in the third week in August that leaded to a rouble depreciation of more than 25%. On 2 September 1998 the Central Bank of the Russian Federation decided to abandon the floating peg policy and float the ruble freely. By 21 September 1998 the exchange rate had reached 21 rubles for one US dollar, meaning it had lost two thirds of its value of less than a month earlier. The moratorium on government debt caused large losses to foreign banks. For Russian banks the losses associated with the crisis are estimated at 40% of their assets. Despite the small scale of international exposure to Russia, the emergency measures taken by its government were accompanied by significant declines in prices in international financial markets and important downward revisions in forecast of capital inflows to developing and transition economies. Recovery Russia bounced back from the August 1998 financial crash with surprising speed. Much of the reason for the recovery is that world oil prices rapidly rose during 1999–2000 (just as falling energy prices helped to deepen Russias troubles), so that Russia ran a large trade surplus in 1999 and 2000. Another reason is that domestic industries, such as food producing, had benefited from the devaluation, which caused a steep increase in the prices of imported goods. Also, since Russias economy was operating to such a large extent on other non-monetary instruments of exchange, the financial collapse had far less of an impact on many producers. Finally, the economy had been helped by an infusion of cash. As enterprises were able to pay all debts on wages, consumer demand for goods and services produced by the Russian industry began to rise. For the first time in many years, in 2000 unemployment fell as enterprises added workers. Since the 1998 crisis, the Russian government has managed to keep social and political pressures under control, and this has played a essential role in recovery during the early 2000s.

Economic Development of India and China

Economic Development of India and China ABSTRACT This study looks at the factors that have shaped the economic development of India and China. Starting in the 1990s, a gap emerged in the economic development between the comparable countries. This gap can be attributed to many factors including: China’s authoritarian government and focus on infrastructure, India’s focus on the service sector rather than manufacturing, and India’s late embrace of the market economy. Although this gap has been consistent since the 1990s, there is a possibility to close the economic developmental gap between the two Asian countries. INTRODUCTION India and China are both leaders in Asia’s emerging market. However, currently, China gets ten times more foreign direct investment than India. This paradox is so intriguing because up until the 1990s, India’s highway and railway infrastructure system was far beyond that of China, and until 1993, the two countries had similar GDPs. However, beginning in the 1990s, a gap emerged in the economic development between the two countries. This study will look at the economic performance, path to modernization, and political similarities and differences. All of these factors play a role in the gap that has emerged.   The globalization process has played a large role in the development of countries worldwide. Firstly, this study will delve into globalization and how the process has impacted each country differently. Secondly, we will look at what factors indicate why China has developed at a much faster pace than India. Finally, it will look at the possibility of bridging the gap.    THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Assumption 1: The transformation of development has changed due to globalization. Less developed countries do not have to invest time and capital in research and development; borrowing technology creates faster development. Hypothesis 1: China and India have vastly different markets and political strategies. Globalization had led to massive economic growth in both, however, the different economic and political choices made by both countries have impacted their speeds of development   Theoretical Lens: This study will utilize the liberalist theoretical lens to analyze this study. This theoretical approach abides by the assumption that the driving force behind economic integration is globalization. Therefore, implemented it will lead to increased trade and investment. Globalization has played a heavy role in the development of both India and China, and can assist in the explanation of the gap that has occurred. Globalization is supported by classical economic liberals because they adhere to what globalization essentially stands for. Because this study focuses primarily on economic development, this study will utilize the focus that the liberal school of international relations has on the economic benefits of globalization.   Globalization has assisted in the worldwide spread of large companies, democratic values (India), and skill sets. China is a perfect example of the benefits globalization can offer. Their growth can be attributed to their large manufacturing export sector and the market incentives that came when they opened their economy.    METHODOLOGY Research Question: How are China and India’s different choices responsible for India’s lag behind China? Thesis Statement: The gap that has occurred between India and China can be attributed to various factors including India’s focus on the service sector, the lack of government cohesiveness, and their late opening to the global market.    Data Collection: I chose these two specific countries for a few reasons. These neighboring countries share a 2000-kilometer border. They each have a large population and similar objectives. Their relationship has transformed in many ways in modern history; transitioning from ally to rival and back to allies again. They both endured devastating famines and they are both historically very similar. One of the biggest gaps that I noticed is that their pace to development differs greatly. This gap began to occur in the 1990’s, therefore my study will focus on 1990-now. This paper will rely primarily on qualitative research found in scholarly journal articles and books. The sources are available on the internet.   The Journals utilized includes: Journal of Indian Business Research, Modern Asian Studies, The China Quarterly, Asian Survey, Comparative Politics, and International Affairs. This study also used data from the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). BACKGROUND When looking at each countries’ current state, it is important to acknowledge their respective histories and the role that they played. Both China and India have a long history, however, their histories vary. Both were major exporters of textiles and largely dominated the seas until 1500. Both countries have vast territories and utilized this in the agricultural sector. However, China’s history drove it towards mass industrialization. China is a large, centrally run state and has a history of stability and single authority. Their country views itself as a unitary, hard state. This allows them to pursue single goals with ease and mobilize resources effectively. India endured foreign rule from the British until their Independence in 1947. India struggled to find unity within diversity and articulating an integrated vision of Indian nationhood. They had issues because they were trying to accommodate different languages and religions within a democratic framework. However, the average Indian was slightly better off than the average Chinese the first few years after India’s independence. These historical legacies have greatly influenced the political and economics of China and India. CHAPTER I: GLOBALIZATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES The globalization process has introduced numerous opportunities and threats to India and China. Both countries have extensively liberalized their economies in recent years and they have seen rapid economic growth in the past two decades. However, these two countries have benefited from these opportunities at very different rates and responded to the process in different ways. This is where our study’s first questions is introduced: The globalization has effected developing countries differently, why? The ambassador to the Geneva Center for Security Policy defines globalization as, â€Å"A complex process that involves economic integration, transfer of policies across borders, and the transmission of knowledge.† [1] It is a process that encompasses the causes, course, and consequences of transitional and transcultural integration of human and non-human activities. Therefore, it is evident that this concept plays an integral role in this study. Global integration has decreased poverty in China more so than in India. However, there has been an overall decline in poverty for both countries. The main difference between China and India is the inequality that has developed in India due to the change in economic status within the society. Overall, globalization and economic integration has increased the number of people living in extreme poverty in the world’s richest and poorest countries.    India India is still in the ongoing process of globalization and economic integration into the world economy.   Most scholars believe that the starting point for economic liberalization in India is began in 1991.[2] This is when the government openly sought integration into the economy and their orientation shifted. This included the removal of tariffs and restrictions on foreign trade. The Indian government also liberalized their foreign direct investment and cut taxes during this time. Although there was an orientation shift in 1991, regions within India experienced very different growth rates. This is mostly a result of the differences in foreign direct investment flow. During this time, only 4 regions accounted for 43.74% of FDI in the country.[3] Globalization caused uneven growth regionally as well as in different sectors. Growth in the agriculture sector declined significantly in comparison to the manufacturing and service sectors. If growth would have been spread more evenly throughout the various sectors, inequality and poverty would decrease across the country. China China’s rapid growth is associated with them being one of the first Asian countries to integrate the globalization process and open up to the world economy. In the past 40 years, China’s approach to development has been so successful that they are now ranked as the second most important economy. They began their economic reform in 1970s which gave them a head start in growth rate in comparison to other countries in the region. Currently China’s service sector is much broader than India’s. This includes tourism, business, and transport services. Globalization has led to rapid economic development within China.   In the 1990s, China focused on being labor intensive. They diversified their export sector to include computer equipment and telecommunications. Their manufacturing increased from 72% of merchandise exports to 91%.[4] This demonstrated China’s importance in the world economy and the manufacturing sector. Overall, the globalization process sped up the GDP growth rate in China. It also decreased their vulnerability to economic crises. It actually protected them from the Asian financial crisis in the 1990s. Different choices in history by China and India have resulted in China being a leader in economic development. This is because China opened up their markets earlier and India started in 1991. India also did not focus on industrialization. They specialized in services and IT. Unfortunately, the IT-sector does not contribute a large benefit to GDP, therefore, this growth did not result in significant growth within India. CHAPTER 2: FACTORS THAT STIMULATE DEVELOPMENT INEQUALITY This chapter will look factors that have encouraged the rise of China and lag of India. This puzzle is specifically intriguing because the countries’ GDPs were so similar up until the 1990s. This is where the second question within this study is introduced: Why has China developed so much faster? Below are the main reasons why China is so far ahead of India: China is an Autocracy. The Chinese authoritarian government owns all of the land. China’s government allows for quick land acquisition for development of infrastructure projects and to restore and rehabilitate the displaced people. This leads to faster decision making and faster implementation.   In the 1990’s China had a rapid infrastructure push and roads, railways, and airports were built. Rather than waiting for the need to arise, China’s government built for their country’s projected needs. For the most part, the policy decisions decided on are not altered by different party politics, ideology or leadership change. This allows the government to stay committed to a focus on their economic growth. One of the most successful government implemented policies is the encouragement of resource mobilization. China has an extremely strong savings culture. There are four large state banks that citizens deposit their money into. Overall, China has a faster growth of capital stock which results in rapid growth of capital intensity. This high savings rate has transformed into available capital. This capital is directed by the leadership into various key projects. This correlates to China’s focus on infrastructure projects. This capital has financed the majority of the government infrastructure projects in China. China embraced a market economy early. China experienced one of the greatest comparative advantages in economics’ history. In the 1990’s, China began to focus more on their relations with strong global powers like the United States, Russia, Japan, and European countries. They embraced market economy in 1992 and utilized their massive amounts of land. Land reform led to equitable distribution of income and wealth throughout the country. China has a strong manufacturing base. When China invaded the world market, they focused on labor-intensive manufacturing sectors like textile and apparel. They successfully transitioned from agriculture into high productivity sectors. They began to focus their orientation largely on exporting manufacturing goods. China successfully became the world’s manufacturing hub by creating low-cost electronic and hardware products. This provided a much needed boost to their economy and a substantial amount of jobs were provided. China has favorable demographics. China’s population provides them with a massive market making their current demographics favorable for a strong economy. China currently has more people in working age which leads to higher productivity and a higher GDP. However, due to the One Child Policy, this is expected to decline in the future. That being said, China’s population has been one of their best selling points. Chinese leaders organized delegations, hosted conferences, and successfully convinced foreign investors that China was stable and committed to an open-door policy. They essentially used their massive size as a selling point to increase foreign investment. Additionally, China’s population has a high literacy rate compared to India. Mao rapidly increased literacy rates within China, particularly in women. In 2012, the adult literacy rate was 96.4% in China and 71.2% in India.[5] China has a hidden source of income: the tourism industry. They host almost 6 times more tourists every year in comparison to India. This industry creates over 60 million jobs in China. This hidden source of income dominates their service sector. China has a flexible investment zone. They have a highly developed bond market where investors can easily hedge their risks against deviations. They also have the China Development Bank which heavily finances their infrastructure development. Their government has successfully created flexible investment zones, and export processing zones that are combined with tax incentives and strong infrastructure. China has a much higher FDI from OECD countries due to its large domestic market.[6] They also have stronger international trade ties with these countries. Below are the main reasons why India’s growth has been stunted in comparison to China’s: India’s growth model: India has focused predominately on an idiosyncratic pattern of development. However, they have emphasized services and skill-intensive manufacturing rather than labor- intensive manufacturing.[7] India is a democracy. India’s government politicians’ policy decision are often driven by what will get them the most votes rather than what is necessarily right for the country. Winning elections is prioritized, and things like subsidies take precedence over large infrastructure projects. This causes delays and the result is ineffective decision making. They have multiple political parties with no coherent approach to development. Additionally, the government has not provided a stable macro-economic environment. India’s main focus is on the service sector. India never experienced mass industrialization or a boost in the manufacturing sector. They still currently focus on the service sector which includes skill and knowledge.   The service IT-sector which India has focused on does not contribute a large benefit to GDP. India’s economy opened up much later than China. The economy is currently largely closed and trade is a much smaller part of its economy. Their country fosters a sense of protectionism that prohibits companies from owning a majority of a company within India. The intention of this policy was to foster native companies, however, it has stifled their growth and economy. However, in 1991, Prime Minister Narasimha Rao implemented reforms to accelerate Indian economic growth.[8] These results were short lived, and due to political paralysis of policies, economic growth was stunted once again.   India has a poor methodology towards infrastructure. India’s approach to infrastructure is to wait for the demand to arise before building. China is the opposite. India’s mall infrastructure projects have been funded by private companies. India is in dire need of a development finance institution (a lender solely for long-term infrastructure projects). India lacks the business-above-all attitude. Unlike China, India has extremely stringent environmental protection laws. This often leads to cost escalation. It has been referenced as a third world country with first world ambitions and resources but outrageous environmental ethics.[9] Trade and economic growth have not been paramount in India. Their focus on native companies and local industry has curbed and restricted foreign investment. CHAPTER 3: LESSONS TO BE LEARNED AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE What are some policy lessons to be learned? The education system needs to be at the forefront. It is important for India to maintain the current comparative advantage over China within the IT-sector. In order to do that, India must continue to reform the educational system and promote education throughout the country. Overall, the average level of education needs to increase. Additionally, specialized training can further strengthen their labor force. Finally, India’s government needs to realize that industrialization rather than service specialization is needed to reach high growth rates. Is it possible to bridge the gap? Demographically, India’s population and market will soon be the size of China’s. By 2020, India’s working age population is projected to overtake China. This is partially a result of China’s One Child Policy. The UN projected that India will have more than 1 billion people in working age by 2050. As of 2012, India’s fertility rate was at 2.5 compared to China’s 1.7.[10] India also offers cheaper labor costs, geographic closeness to many OECD investor countries, and lower country risk. This can increase their prospects for increased FDI investment. In efforts to boost tourism, India is implemented a new policy that allows for visa on arrival without the need to visit an Indian consulate or visa center. This policy has the opportunity to increase country revenue and support job growth within the service industry. Since the election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014, foreign investment has been increasing in India. PM Mobi has pledged to banish India’s reputation as a hard place to invest and do business. He also plans to invest heavily in rail, roadway and energy infrastructures. He promises to create efficient bureaucracy, develop the necessary infrastructure to support profitable industries, and work side by side with foreign and domestic investors to efficiently implement their projects.[11] CONCLUSION There are various economic and political choices made by both countries in the past that have largely effected their developmental success today. This study identifies these reasons as specific pieces to the gap puzzle. When we look at these as a whole we can see why there is such a large gap in the economic development of India and China. China’s began their orientation towards the world economy in 1978, while India did not shift their orientation until 1991. It is possible to successfully bridge the gap between the two countries. However, considering the 15 year head start that China has on India, this process will take time. That being said, India’s new Prime Minister Narendra Modi offers a glimmer of consistency and productive policies to ensure India’s continued development. REFERENCES DeLong, J. B. (2003). India since independence: An analytic growth narrative.  In search of prosperity: analytic narratives on economic growth, 184-204. G.K. Kalyanaram, (2009) Indias economic growth and market potential: benchmarked against China,  Journal of Indian Business Research, Vol. 1 Issue: 1, pp.57-65,  https://doi.org/10.1108/17554190910963208 Fravel, M. (2010). International Relations Theory and Chinas Rise: Assessing Chinas Potential for Territorial Expansion.  International Studies Review,  12(4), 505-532. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.library3.webster.edu/stable/40931355 Hall, I. (2017). Narendra Modi and Indias normative power.  International Affairs,  93(1), 113-131. Malik, J. (1995). China-India Relations in the Post-Soviet Era: The Continuing Rivalry.  The China Quarterly,  (142), 317-355. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.library3.webster.edu/stable/655419 Nayef R.F. Al-Rodhan and Gerard Stoudmann, (2006) â€Å"Definitions of Globalization: A Comprehensive Overview and A Proposed Definition†, Geneva Centre for Security Policy, available at http://www.gcsp.ch/e/publications/Globalization/index.htm. Reich, M. R., & Bowonder, B. (1992). Environmental Policy in India.  Policy Studies Journal,  20(4), 643-661. The World Bank, World Development Indicators (2012). Fertility rate, total (births per woman). Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.TFRT.IN.   UNICEF (2012). State of the World Statistics, Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/india_statistics.html Wenhui Wei, (2005) â€Å"China and India: Any difference in their FDI performances?†, Journal of Asian Economics, Volume 16, Issue 4, 2005, Pages 719-736, ISSN 1049-0078, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2005.06.004. [1] Nayef R.F. Al-Rodhan and Gerard Stoudmann, â€Å"Definitions of Globalization: A Comprehensive Overview and A Proposed Definition†, Geneva Centre for Security Policy, 2006, available at http://www.gcsp.ch/e/publications/Globalization/index.htm. [2] G.K. Kalyanaram, (2009) Indias economic growth and market potential: benchmarked against China,  Journal of Indian Business Research, Vol. 1 Issue: 1, pp.57-65,  https://doi.org/10.1108/17554190910963208 [3] G.K. Kalynarma, (2009). [4] Fravel, M. (2010). International Relations Theory and Chinas Rise: Assessing Chinas Potential for Territorial Expansion.  International Studies Review,  12(4), 505-532. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.library3.webster.edu/stable/40931355 [5] UNICEF (2012). State of the World Statistics, Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/india_statistics.html [6] Wenhui Wei, (2005) â€Å"China and India: Any difference in their FDI performances?†, Journal of Asian Economics, Volume 16, Issue 4, 2005, Pages 719-736, ISSN 1049-0078, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2005.06.004. [7] Malik, J. (1995). China-India Relations in the Post-Soviet Era: The Continuing Rivalry.  The China Quarterly,  (142), 317-355. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.library3.webster.edu/stable/655419 [8] DeLong, J. B. (2003). India since independence: An analytic growth narrative.  In search of prosperity: analytic narratives on economic growth, 184-204. [9] Reich, M. R., & Bowonder, B. (1992). Environmental Policy in India.  Policy Studies Journal,  20(4), 643-661 [10] The World Bank, World Development Indicators (2012). Fertility rate, total (births per woman). Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.TFRT.IN.   [11] Hall, I. (2017). Narendra Modi and Indias normative power.  International Affairs,  93(1), 113-131.

Dr. Faustus Essay - Pride, Insolence and the Fall of Doctor Faustus

Pride, Insolence and the Fall of Doctor Faustus  Ã‚   As a highly revered individual - a doctor of theology who is also involved in liberal arts, medicine and law - Doctor Faustus possesses limitless knowledge. Nonetheless, unfortunately the more people know the more curious, thirsty and greedy for knowledge they become. Thus, wanting to know more and therefore, gain supernatural power, Faustus creates his own fall through pride, insolence and child-like behavior - the by-products of the dominating id that overpowers the superego in this particular case. The above excerpt was provided to make the student aware of the focus of the essay, the complete paper begins below: "...Man builds towels of the spirit from which he may survey larger horizons that those of his class, race and nation. This is a necessary human enterprise. Without it man could not come to his full estate. But it is also inevitable that these towers should be Towers of Babel, that they should pretend to reach higher than their real height; and should claim a finality which they cannot posses," quotes Sylvan Barnet in his introduction to Christopher Marlowe's "Doctor Faustus" (xiv). Doctor Faustus lives in such pretension. Due to Faustus' extraordinary, celebrated, restless and insatiable mind that differs from the ordinary minds, the quote above stands as the basic premise for Marlowe's play. As a highly revered individual - a doctor of theology who is also involved in liberal arts, medicine and law - Doctor Faustus possesses limitless knowledge. Nonetheless, unfortunately the more people know the more curious, thirsty and greedy for knowledge they become. Thus, wanting to know more and therefore, gain supernatural power, Faustus creates his own fall th... ...ioned by his immediate circumstances...He wants to be man. He is not content with his truth. He seeks the truth...His restless mind seeks to comprehend the meaning of all cultures so that he may not be caught within the limitations of his own" (xiv). Works Cited and Consulted Beddow, Michael. Thomas Mann: Doctor Faustus. Cambridge: Cambridge, 1994. Carnegy, Patrick. Faust as Musician: A Study of Thomas Mann's Novel Doctor Faustus. London: Chatto & Windus, 1973. Guerin, Wilfred L., Earle Labor, Lee Morgan, Jeanne C. Reesman, John R. Willingham. A Handbook of Critical Approaches to Literature. 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999. Marlowe, Christopher. Doctor Faustus. Ed. Sylvan Barnet. New York: Signet Classic, 1969. Russell, Jeffrey Burton. The Prince of Darkness: Radical Evil and the Power of Good in History. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988.